Weekly Geopolitical Report – The 2017 Geopolitical Outlook (December 12, 2016)

by Bill O’Grady

(This will be the last WGR for 2016.  The next report will be published on January 9, 2017.)

As is our custom, we close out the current year with our outlook for the next one.  This report is less a series of predictions as it is a list of potential geopolitical issues that we believe will dominate the international landscape in the upcoming year.  It is not designed to be exhaustive; instead, it focuses on the “big picture” conditions that we believe will affect policy and markets going forward.  They are listed in order of importance.

Issue #1: The Trump Doctrine

Issue #2: European Elections

Issue #3: The Fall of Islamic State

Issue #4: China’s Financial Situation

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Asset Allocation Weekly (December 9, 2016)

by Asset Allocation Committee

The rapid rise in longer duration Treasury yields since the presidential election has been surprising.  As of December 8, the 10-year T-note yield was approximately 2.40%.  Although President-elect Trump’s policies will probably be inflationary, it is still unclear how much of his arguably vague plans will get passed.  It is possible the FOMC will become more hawkish and we have seen some increase in rate hike expectations.[1]  Still, our 10-year T-note model is putting the fair value yield at 1.85%.  Assuming fed funds at 1.25% still only raises the 10-year rate to 2.20%.  Taking oil to $60 and assuming the 1.25% fed funds only raises the fair value yield to 2.27%.  Only when assuming steady oil, fed funds at 1.25% and German bunds at 1.25% (up from the current 33 bps) does the yield even reach 2.40%.  The current spike in yields can be best justified by assuming a significant jump in inflation expectations.

In our yield model we use the 15-year average of CPI as a proxy for inflation expectations.  This assumption comes from the work of Milton Friedman, who postulated that inflation expectations are derived over a long-term time frame.  We realize our calculation is a proxy but have refrained from using more market-based expectations because of their lack of predictability.  If one assumes that nominal rates are the sum of the expectations of real rates plus inflation forecasts, inflation forecasts are very important to predicting nominal interest rates.

If the lifetime experience of inflation is important, then what is the most important age?  We estimate that 60 is a reasonable age; the average age of the Senate is 61 years, the current FOMC average is 62 and the average age of an S&P 500 CEO is 57.[2]  Simply put, it’s around the age of 60 that people come into power in politics and business.  We believe that their personal experiences color the expectations of any investor and so using 60 as an influential age makes sense.

This chart shows the adult experience of inflation for a person turning 60 from 1932 to the present.  To reflect the adult experience, we use the average annual change in CPI from ages 16 to 60.  Note that inflation experience rose into the late 1940s and stabilized into 1960, when it fell sharply.  This was the generation that entered adulthood during the Great Depression.  It is interesting to note that as rates began to rise in the mid-1960s, the inflation experience steadily rose as well.  Essentially, the rise in rates coincided with the rise in inflation experience.  However, after peaking in 1981, bond yields began a steady drop into the current year despite the relatively high level of inflation experience.  On the other hand, T-note yields exceeded the inflation experience of 60-year-olds in absolute terms until 2002.

This chart shows the actual inflation rate compared to an average 60-year-old’s adult experience of inflation.  In general, bull markets in bonds tend to occur when the actual inflation rate is persistently below the average rate.  Bear markets happen when the opposite condition is in place.  Currently, the actual inflation rate is still well below the average rate, suggesting that the bull market in bonds should have more time to run.  However, our worry is that the average 60-year-old is unusually sensitive to inflation fears and thus may overreact to the incoming president’s policies.  In other words, inflation expectations may become unanchored rather quickly, forcing the Federal Reserve to turn unexpectedly hawkish.  Thus, we are taking a more cautious stance on fixed income into 2017, expecting higher yields and greater duration risk.  At the same time, we will be closely monitoring the economy in light of less accommodative monetary policy.  Most recessions occur because the Fed tightens too much.  We don’t expect that to become a problem until late next year or early 2018 if the Fed continues to raise rates.  So, for the upcoming year, we expect a weak fixed income environment.

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[1] For example, the two-year deferred Eurodollar futures, which measure three-month LIBOR two years into the future, have jumped nearly 50 bps since the election.

[2] http://fortune.com/2015/12/13/oldest-ceos-fortune-500/

Weekly Geopolitical Report – Losing the Philippines: Part 2 (December 5, 2016)

by Bill O’Grady

(Next week, we will publish our 2017 Geopolitical Outlook; it will be the last issue of 2016.)

In Part 1 of this report, we discussed the geography of the Philippines and examined the nation’s history, focusing on its relations with the U.S.  In Part 2 of this report, we will discuss President Rodrigo Duterte’s recent foreign policy decisions and their impact on U.S. policy in the region.  We will conclude with the impact on financial markets.

President Duterte

The 2014 Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA) led to a significant shift in U.S./Philippine relations.  As the maps in Part 1 showed, the Philippines are key to controlling the sea lanes in the region.  If the Philippines were to become hostile to American interests, allies such as Japan, Taiwan and South Korea would be vulnerable to supply interdiction as the sea lanes would no longer be secure.

While the EDCA improved the security posture of the U.S. in the Far East, the Permanent Court of Arbitration’s ruling in July against China was a huge moral victory.  The international tribunal at The Hague offered a sweeping rebuke of China’s behavior in the South China Sea, completely rejecting China’s “nine-dash line” claims.  The Xi regime is furious over the outcome and has decided to simply ignore it.  Like most international agreements, there is no enforcement mechanism other than global reputation.  However, reputation does have some currency and it isn’t out of the question that the U.S. could decide to enforce the rule.  The U.S. Navy is powerful enough to dislodge Chinese forces off the rocks in the South China Sea, although it would likely trigger a wider war.  Still, at a minimum, the EDCA and the verdict at The Hague have given the Philippines leverage when negotiating with China.

However, the new Philippine president has jettisoned any advantage he gained from the court’s ruling by deciding not to press the issue with China.  Instead, Duterte met with Chinese officials and essentially told them he would not dispute Chinese sovereignty.  This decision followed a series of comments from Duterte which signal a rupture of relations with the U.S. and a turn toward China.

In October, Duterte indicated that he is “separating” with the U.S., claiming that “America has lost now.”  He also intimated that he would consider allying with Russia and China.[1]  Later in the month, he indicated that he wants U.S. troops out of the Philippines “in the next two years.”[2]    Although the U.S. continues to hold joint patrols, Duterte has indicated that he wants those to end as well, ostensibly because China doesn’t like them.[3]  Obama administration officials note that there have been no official requests to end these arrangements, but the tone has clearly been set.

It would be a major win for China if Duterte is able to follow through on this shift.  Not only would it have a clear exit from the first island chain (see map below), but China would have effectively divided that chain and put U.S. allies at risk.  In fact, American geopolitical objectives in the Far East are arguably in danger of being undermined.

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[1] http://www.cnn.com/2016/10/20/asia/china-philippines-duterte-visit/

[2]https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/philippines-duterte-now-wants-us-troops-out-in-two-years/2016/10/26/32bec8a5-8584-4d95-8e9d-4d7762865055_story.html

[3] http://www.wsj.com/articles/philippines-leader-to-end-joint-military-exercises-joint-naval-patrols-with-u-s-1475086567

Asset Allocation Weekly (December 2, 2016)

by Asset Allocation Committee

Last week, we discussed the likely implications of President-elect Trump’s policies on the debt markets.  This week, we will look at the impact on the dollar.  Since the election, the dollar has generally moved higher.

(Source: Bloomberg)

Using the Bloomberg dollar index, a broad-based currency measure, the dollar rose nearly 5% after the election.  There are a number of arguments behind the rise.  Trump campaigned for fiscal expansion, which could include both infrastructure spending and tax cuts.  The expected fiscal expansion could lead to tighter monetary policy and this particular combination is usually thought to be bullish for the dollar.

This box describes the expected outcomes from the interplay of fiscal and monetary policy.  This is a rough guide; the actual outcomes are mostly driven by the degree of policy adjustment.  In the early 1980s, the combination of real fed funds of nearly 8.5% and a fiscal deficit of almost 6% of GDP led to a very strong dollar (the “Volcker dollar”).  Market behavior may be anticipating a repeat of this outcome.

However, this assumption depends on the FOMC moving to tighter policy, almost a “hard money” stance of the Volcker years.  Simply put, we don’t know for sure whether this will be the outcome.  We believe that there is a political struggle in the Trump administration between the GOP establishment and right-wing populists.  To personalize the sides, we view it as Speaker Paul Ryan versus Steve Bannon.  The FOMC has two open governor positions.  If Ryan’s wing of the party wins, we will likely see the Fed change into a hard money central bank, which is a quadrant two outcome on the above table.  On the other hand, if Bannon’s wing wins, it is possible that we will see doves appointed to the Federal Reserve.  That scenario could lead to a quadrant four outcome, which would be quite different from what the market expects.

The policy situation isn’t the only supporting factor for a stronger dollar.  It is estimated that over $2.0 trillion is held by U.S. companies offshore in order to avoid corporate taxes.  If corporate taxes are reformed, at least some of this money will come back home which would lift the dollar.  If Trump were to put up trade barriers as promised, the current account deficit would shrink, which would reduce the supply of dollars and boost the dollar’s value as well.  Thus, for now, we expect the dollar to get the benefit of the doubt and it will likely continue to appreciate.

What is hurt by a stronger dollar?  The two asset classes most at risk from dollar strength are commodities and emerging markets.  Since the election, commodity prices have been mixed; the Bloomberg commodity index is actually higher since the election, up 2.7%.  Industrial metals are up 6.4% over this time period and energy is up 5.9%.  At the same time, gold is down 7.4%.  The MSCI Emerging Market Index is down 2.8% since the election.  If the dollar continues to appreciate, these asset classes will likely face further declines.

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Weekly Geopolitical Report – Losing the Philippines: Part 1 (November 21, 2016)

by Bill O’Grady

(There will be no report published over the Thanksgiving holiday.  Part 2 of this report will be issued on December 5.)

In May, Rodrigo Duterte was elected president of the Philippines, winning 39% of the vote.  He is the first resident of the island of Mindanao to hold the office, making him a political outsider.  An unconventional political figure, he is considered populist in the mold of Turkish leader Recep Erdogan or Indian PM Narendra Modi.

Although Philippine economic growth has been generally strong, with per capita real GDP rising 4.2% last year, the general feeling was that only the political elites were benefiting from the growth.  Crime and poor infrastructure were the primary concerns of the election and Duterte promised to address both of these issues.

In fact, on the former, Duterte has unleashed a crackdown on drug dealers[1] with such fury and lack of due process that he has been facing criticism from the West.  Duterte’s response has been to vigorously[2] reject these charges and, in general, opinion polls suggest the policy is popular with the general public.

Perhaps the most controversial action Duterte has taken has been to embrace China and reject its long-standing ally, the United States.  If this rupture in relations continues, it will significantly change regional geopolitics.

In Part 1 of this report, we will begin with an examination of the geography of the Philippines, discussing its geopolitical importance.  From there, we will offer a history of U.S./Philippine relations.  In Part 2, we will use this history to discuss Duterte’s recent foreign policy moves.  It does appear that Duterte is moving his country to at least a neutral stance and downgrading the American relationship.  If true, it would seem that one of the signature foreign policy goals of the Obama administration, the “pivot” to Asia, has essentially failed.  We will conclude with the potential impact of Duterte’s actions and their prospective effects on financial markets.

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[1] Some 4,800+ have been killed so far.  See: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Philippine_Drug_War.

[2] He described President Obama in derogatory terms, leading to the cancellation of a one-on-one meeting.  See:  https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/worldviews/wp/2016/09/06/the-son-of-whore-story-is-about-so-much-more-than-dutertes-dirty-mouth/.

Asset Allocation Weekly (November 18, 2016)

by Asset Allocation Committee

Trumponomics looks as if it will be a combination of fiscal stimulus, trade restrictions and deregulation.  It looks very likely that environmental regulations will be reversed and there have been promises of financial deregulation as well.  The first two will likely reflate the economy.  Proposed deregulation may help hold down energy prices but financial services are not a major contributor to inflation (only about 0.24% in CPI) anyway.

With reflation on the horizon, we have seen a rise in the 10-year yield.  Even though we would expect a retreat in yield during the next recession, it is likely that the secular bond bull market that began in the early 1980s is coming to a close.

The chart above shows the 10-year T-note yield from 1921.  Perhaps the most important issue to remember is that when the last secular bear market began after the lows were made in 1945, the next peak took 36 years.  It took eight years before yields doubled.  Although the regulatory environment is different, it takes a while for bond yields to reach really high levels.  Still, the tailwind for financial assets that this bull market represents is noteworthy.

This chart shows the 10-year T-note yield and the cyclically adjusted price/earnings ratio (CAPE) that was developed by Robert Shiller.  The CAPE deflates earnings and stock prices and then averages earnings over a decade, generating a P/E that is designed to capture the underlying trend in real earnings.  Note that the P/E rose from 1950 to 1965 even though rates rose.  However, as inflation steadily increased, interest rates and the P/E moved in opposite directions.  Casual observation suggests that rates above 4% and rising lead to a lower multiple.

How high will interest rates rise?  Our broad 10-year T-note model puts the fair value yield at 1.75%.

The model uses fed funds, the 15-year moving average of CPI (an inflation expectations proxy), the yen/dollar exchange rate, oil prices and German bond yields.  The most important variable keeping the fair value low are German bond yields; removing those from the model boosts the fair value yield to 2.42%.  In a less globalized world, the impact of foreign rates might be reduced, so there is a concern the model is underestimating the fair value yield.  However, as long as capital flows remain open, the impact of lower German yields should be a bullish factor for long-duration Treasuries.  In addition, if we assume a 25 bps hike in fed funds next month, the fair value yield would increase to 1.84%.

Overall, a case can be made that the recent spike in long-duration yields is overdone, at least in the short run.  On the other hand, as we discussed in the most recent WGR, if the U.S. retreats from the superpower role, inflation expectations will likely rise and weaken the case for holding long-duration instruments.  We continue to closely monitor the fixed income markets but it does appear that the long bull market in Treasuries may be coming to an end.

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Weekly Geopolitical Report – President Trump: A Preliminary Analysis (November 14, 2016)

by Bill O’Grady

On November 8th, Donald Trump shocked the country and the world by defeating Sen. Hillary Clinton in the U.S. presidential race by accumulating a majority in the Electoral College.  Mr. Trump, the first president in U.S. history to gain the presidency without having been previously elected to office or served in the military, is something of an unknown.  In other words, we have little personal history to examine to forecast his geopolitical leanings.  All we really have are his public statements and campaign platform.

However, these sources do offer solid clues as to where he intends to take his foreign policy.  In this report, we will characterize our expectations of Trump’s foreign policy using Mead’s archetypes.[1]  From there, we will examine how we expect Trump to change America’s superpower role, which it has provided since the end of WWII.  As always, we will conclude with potential market ramifications.

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[1] See WGR: The Archetypes of American Foreign Policy: A Reprise, 4/4/16.  In our initial analysis of Trump, we postulated he was more Jeffersonian than Jacksonian.  We have revised our viewpoint in this report, arguing that he is almost purely Jacksonian.

Asset Allocation Weekly (November 11, 2016)

by Asset Allocation Committee

The Trump victory has significant ramifications for the economy and markets.  The president-elect’s platform is somewhat ambiguous, which isn’t all that unusual; candidates want to build in some degree of flexibility that a detailed platform can reduce.  Despite this lack of clarity, there are elements that are emerging that offer a guide to the policy changes the new administration will likely implement.

We believe the key to Trump is his campaign slogan, “America First.”  Trump made it abundantly clear that he intends to conduct policy from the standpoint of whether it is best for America.  Although the term “America First” harkens back to an earlier movement,[1] Trump’s version appears broader, including both domestic and foreign policy.

So, what does an America First policy mean for the domestic economy?  Trump has promised both fiscal stimulation and trade restrictions.  The combination of these two policies contradicts the accepted economic orthodoxy since Reagan-Thatcher, which adopted globalization.  However, combining the two supercharges the domestic impact.  Why?  Because under conditions of globalization, some fiscal stimulus is lost to imports.

Globalization and deregulation began in earnest in 1978.  This chart shows the contribution to GDP from imports on a three-year average basis.

The pattern of imports clearly changes in the late 1970s, becoming a persistently larger drag on growth but also more volatile.  On average, from 1950 through 1977, imports reduced GDP by 31 bps.  From 1978 to the present, the average loss to imports nearly doubled, to 61 bps.  Trade restrictions will tend to add to real GDP; if Trump can reduce imports to the pre-1978 years, it would consistently add about 30 bps to GDP.  If fiscal stimulus adds 60 bps (the average that government spending alone added in Reagan’s first term), real GDP could rise nearly 1% per year.  This analysis does not include any rise in consumption that might coincide with changes in the income tax code or investment from reforms in corporate taxes.

Simply put, the combination of fiscal stimulus and import restrictions could lead to a sizeable boost to growth.  The downside to the policy is that it would certainly be inflationary.  One of the key elements to containing inflation over the past nearly four decades has been through globalization.  Trade impediments shift the aggregate supply curve toward the origin, meaning that price levels are higher at the same level of output.  But, in an economy that is struggling to boost price levels, the impact of higher inflation will be benign, at least for a while.

Higher inflation will raise interest rates.  We expect monetary policy to remain accommodative in the face of rising inflation due to political pressure on the Federal Reserve.  The dollar will likely rally because trade restrictions reduce the global supply of the U.S. currency, driving up the price.  The deflationary impact of a stronger dollar will be reduced because of fewer imports, although the imports that do arrive will be cheaper.

We will continue to monitor the progress of policy in the coming months.  But, in terms of asset allocation, our committee has started to address these changes and will be reacting in due course.

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[1] The earlier America First movement, led by Charles Lindbergh just before Pearl Harbor, was designed to keep the U.S. out of a European war.

Weekly Geopolitical Report – Inflation Targeting: What’s so special about 2%? (November 7, 2016)

by Kaisa Stucke, CFA

Speaking at the Boston FRB conference on October 14th, Fed Chairwoman Janet Yellen indicated that Fed officials are considering the benefits of running a “high pressure economy.”  This sparked speculation that the central bank would allow its inflation target to temporarily exceed 2% as the labor market and aggregate demand improve.

The Fed’s dual policy mandate calls for the central bank to maximize employment and maintain stable prices.  The central bank has designated a target of 2% as its inflation goal, but has not identified a policy target for employment levels.  Optimal employment levels change over time given the cyclicality of labor markets, so it makes sense to keep a moving target for the labor market.[1]  But why did the Fed choose to specify an explicit 2% inflation target?

This week, we will take a closer look at the reasons behind the Fed’s 2% inflation target.  We will also review the historical data and academic research that support this optimal level of price increases.

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[1]The Fed does target a natural rate of unemployment, which is unemployment arising from all other sources except fluctuations in aggregate demand: https://fred.stlouisfed.org/series/NROU.